May
17
Gandharan Buddhism
Archaeology, Art, Texts
Pia Brancaccio and Kurt Behrendt, eds, 2006, Introduction, p. 2-5.
Some of the first “excavations” of Gandharan Buddhist sites were undertaken in the 1830s by a handful of military officers with the goal of collecting coins. Already by the late nineteenth century, Buddhist sites such as Takht-ibahi were excavated for their sculpture, and summary archaeological reports started to appear. Alexander Cunningham, and later John Marshall at the beginning of the twentieth century, changed the nature and scope of Buddhist archaeology in Gandhara. Although their work led to a massive collection of sculptural remains, their primary interest was to understand better the Buddhist tradition in the region and beyond.
Adat and Islam are integral to Malay identity and exist in a complementary fashion with each other (Wazir 1992; Sharifah Zaleha 2000). Originally an Arab word, adat is used to describe the local customs or customary laws that existed before the advent of Islam. It acts like the “residue” of all customs that are considered Malay but not Islamic (Nagata 1986, 42). Among such customs are bilateralism in gender relations, an openness about sexuality and sensuality, belief in magical healing, and mysticism. Many aspects of Malay adat are regarded as traditionally tolerant (though still patriarchal) and more open to sensual or sexual matters than resurgent Islam is - this feature of adat is also aligned with secularism, a product of modernization. Because adat encourages women’s power and autonomy, it continues to function in Malaysia as “a system of ‘checks and balances’ between incompatible or conflicting ideological systems [resurgent Islam and Westernization] which culturally determine the distribution of power and responsibility between the sexes” (Wazir 1992, 230). While anthropologists study state-led Islam and how it serves to further a patriarchal agenda that contravenes the more egalitarian practices and beliefs of adat, one should be aware that adat in itself delineates gendered spaces (see Peletz 1995). What needs to be challenged is the notion that adat and modernity are mutually exclusive and represent opposing spheres of East versus West. While Wazir Jahan Karim may argue that there are differences between adat and Islam, one advocating gender bilaterality and the other emphasizing its patriarchal aspects as promulgated by state discourse, I argue that, in the modern constructions of culture by Malaysian writers and filmmakers, adat is not impermeable to patriarchal interpretations; in fact, patriarchy responds through various channels: through the secular discourse of nationalism and the nation-state, through the conservative interpretations of Islam promulgated by PAS (Pan Malaysian Islamic Party, the Islamic opposition party), certain fringe dakwah (Muslim proselytizing) groups such as Darul Arqam and Jemaah Tabligh, and perhaps more subtly, through the more moderate dakwah group ABIM populated by Malay urban professionals.
Although his progeny, in the form of typography, printing presses, and printing machines, appeared in Shanghai in the nineteenth century, Johann Gutenberg (1400?-68) himself did not figure as a recognizable name or noteworthy personality in the Shanghai consciousness before the mid-1920s. His appearance then reflected growing public awareness of the importance of technology in national development as well as the widespread dissemination of the industrially manufactured book and journal. Gutenberg was absent from China’s first modern dictionary, Xin zidian (New Dictionary)issued by the Commercial Press in 1912.Likewise,he did not appear in the Commercial Press’s 1915 phrase dictionary, Ciyuan, or in Zhonghua da zidian (Zhonghua Big Dictionary), issued the same year by Zhonghua Books. Nonetheless, all three modern dictionaries, the most important to appear in Chinese since Kangxi zidian (Kangxi Dictionary) of 1716, were printed using technology that could be traced to Gutenberg.
During my very first days in the Philippines in 1993, I had the opportunity to attend the ordination of some Episcopalian priests in the remote areas of the Cordillera region of northern Luzon. As a student of ethnomusicology, I was amazed by the lively choirs leading “ethnic” hymns during the masses as well as by the traditional musical instruments and the dances performed in open-air receptions. The congregation sang much louder when singing hymns of their own folk tunes than they did when singing Western hymns. Robust and vigorous elders, some wearing traditional attire, enthusiastically led the flat gong ensemble and the dancing. Young people in jeans and T-shirts likewise enjoyed dancing and playing in the ensemble. From time to time, the elders gave hands-on instruction to the youths. I was impressed to see the entire community, both old and young, participating in the affair together. I was witnessing a community functioning as a body for the oral transmission of folk tradition. Between performers and audience there was no clear distinction – everyone freely took turns joining the circle of performance, with members of the audience also volunteering to play in the ensemble. The reception was an occasion for the community to teach and learn the flat gong ensemble and dances, while celebrating with a feast.
